Black Teachers Matter: Crafting Policy to Address the Designed Shortage of Black Teachers

While teacher shortages have long been on the minds of policymakers who’ve seen the alarming declining enrollment trends in teacher preparation programs or the perpetual inability of schools to retain teachers after the first 3 to 5 years of their careers (Ingersol, 2019). These topics have received renewed attention considering the waves of teacher resignations that occurred during and after the arrival of the COVID-19 pandemic. It was within these constrained conditions that a policy window was opened aided by the release of billions of dollars in COVID relief funds.  These dollars paved the way for astute education advocates to enact key state and municipal legislation that would aid efforts to help address teacher shortages. States like Michigan have already enacted laws that incentivize participation and remove financial barriers for students entering teacher preparation programs by creating stipends and loan forgiveness opportunities. Michigan also enacted policies to support schools’ efforts to retain teachers, which districts have used to create hardship and retention bonuses.

This cadre of policies is indeed a net positive for schools. However, given the shifting demographics of K-12 students, where students of color make up a growing proportion of the share of students, and the perpetual lack of diversity amongst the national teacher workforce, as white teachers make up around 72%  of the nation’s teachers, such policy initiatives are short-sighted without the express intent of addressing the designed shortages of Black teachers.

While many of the aforementioned policy initiatives include language which acknowledges or even advocates diversifying the pool of teachers, absent from such actions are policy approaches that target the designed nature of the shortages of Black teachers. That is to say that the current political discourse seeking to explicate the shortage of Black teachers often fails to address and or acknowledge the myriad of historical policy mechanisms deployed to stifle the existence of Black teachers. If policymakers desire to do more than pay lip service to the supply of black teachers it is necessary to take inventory of the impact of the historical factors such as the massive layoffs or displacement of  Black teachers associated with the passage of Brown v. Board, and the exclusionary impact of the basic skills test, all which worked to stymie the flow of Black teachers.

In the following article, we’ll briefly outline the impact of the aforementioned policies in the three subsections that follow.  We’ll conclude this piece by briefly envisioning what it may look like for policy to be rooted in a philosophy grounded in the belief that Black Teachers Matter.  

Black Teachers in Post-Brown America

While the sweep of american history is filled with examples of powerful policy with deep and lasting implications,  Brown v Board represents a watershed moment within the American public education project. This series of court cases sought to desegregate America's schools. This ruling had an outsized effect on the Black community and its teachers. However, Black teachers were affected differently, depending on the region. Throughout the nation, Brown would result in unprecedented government intervention that would radically change schooling for students, yet this change primarily came at the expense of Black teachers and the communities in which they existed (Ward & Robinson, 2019).

The South. While segregation existed throughout the United States, a vast amount of de jure school segregation, or codified segregation laws, occurred in the South (Fairclough, 2004). Thus, the ruling to desegregate schools with “all deliberate speed” had its most immediate impact on Southern schools (Brown v. Board of Education, 1954). For hundreds of years, the South had a codified, parallel education system that prioritized White students’ needs and placed the responsibility for funding, building, and maintaining Black education and schools on Black teachers (Fairclough, 2007, p 10). Contrary to popular belief, before Brown many of the South's Black schools were quality institutions with exemplary students and staff. Yet, compared to their White counterparts, these schools were grossly underfunded (Fairclough, 2007). However, the quality of these institutions and their Black teachers was a neglected reality when desegregation began in the South. Overwhelmingly, Black teachers were viewed as less qualified than their White peers, despite a large body of evidence suggesting otherwise (Walker, 1996). Despite past obstacles to education, the vast majority of Black teachers were just as or more qualified than their White counterparts (Ward & Robinson, 2019). In states like North Carolina, Black teachers had higher certification rankings and more years of service on average than White peers (Walker, 1996). Nevertheless, as states and municipalities began to desegregate, Black schools were rarely chosen to be integration sites; rather, Black schools were often closed, and their teachers were labeled inadequate and removed (Oakley et al., 2009). Within ten years of the Brown decision, approximately 38,000 Black teachers lost their jobs in the South (Andrews et al., 2019).

The North

While the term Jim Crow was conceived in the South to describe the institution of racial segregation that permeated all parts of Southern life, segregation was by no means a strictly Southern phenomenon. Rothstein (2017) details that segregation was a prominent feature of life in all regions of the United States. Rothstein (2017) highlights that one of the more common features of Northern segregation was residential, whereby, through a multitude of means, local municipalities or private institutions denied housing to families of color. Residential segregation could take many forms, such as segregated zoning, or redlining. Redlining resulted from the collective efforts of private relators and local governments to prohibit and or limit access to certain housing properties (Rothstein 2017). Such tactics were widespread in cities throughout the United States. Residential segregation also could result from exclusionary housing compacts (agreements from churches and or neighborhoods) to prohibit the sale of property to families of color. An additional form of residential segregation, seen throughout the United States, was the segregation that took place in the public housing sector. In the years following World War II, the Federal Housing Administration underwrote the creation of hundreds of subdivisions for White families in communities like Levittown, New York, and Lakewood, California (Rothstein, 2017).

Residential segregation is integral to the integration of public schools, as the vast majority of student school placement and bus zoning is contingent upon one’s residence. Thus, the taught connection between school systems’ residential segregation and the maintenance of Northern segregation was ingeniously and inextricably linked. Oakley (2009) refers to this process of maintaining school segregation while not codifying school segregation in name as “insidious segregation.” Insidious segregation enabled many Northern urban school districts to remain segregated well into the 1970s and 1980s (Oakley et al., 2009, p. 1578). Unlike Southern states and municipalities, most Northern states outlawed segregation by 1954 (Oakley et al., 2009). However, the complex web of residential segregation policies helped cement school segregation in the North until a round of federal desegregation orders in the 1970s and 1980s (Ward & Robinson, 2019). Due to the array of tactics used to uphold segregation in the North, desegregation orders often impacted Northern Black teachers differently than their Southern peers (Oakley et al., 2009). Whereas many Southern Black teachers were removed, many Northern Black teachers were displaced (Ward & Robinson, 2019). In the North, it was common for cities to initiate the desegregation process by moving teachers, often Black teachers, from one building to another. For example, in Midwestern capital cities such as Columbus, Ohio, the most talented, educated, and experienced Black teachers were removed from their Black schools and placed into predominantly White schools (Ward & Robinson, 2019). Compounding the loss of their best and brightest, quality Black teachers were often replaced with inexperienced and young White teachers (Ward & Robinson, 2019). Missing from the effects of the Columbus desegregation order and other Northern districts like it is evidence of meaningful desegregation of schools (Ward & Robinson, 2019). Thus, through displacement, Northern teachers, like their Southern counterparts, bore the brunt of the desegregation orders.

Teacher Licensure Programs 

Although the Brown decision and its subsequent desegregation orders impacted Black teachers in the North and South differently, the landmark court case ultimately resulted in the removal of Black teachers from Black schools, regardless of region. These losses were compounded by the proliferation of newly minted teacher licensure processes, which increased the professional standards and categorized many Black teachers as unqualified (Carter et al., 2019). Historically, teacher licensure programs in the United States have had a significant impact on Black teachers. During the Jim Crow era, many states in the South had separate licensure programs for Black and white teachers, with different requirements for each. These programs were often designed to limit the number of Black teachers and ensure that they were assigned only to Black schools. In many cases, Black teachers were required to pass more difficult tests than white teachers and were held to higher standards of conduct. For example, in some states, Black teachers were required to demonstrate proficiency in subjects that were not even taught in their schools, such as Latin or French. This made it extremely difficult for Black teachers to obtain licensure and contributed to the shortage of Black teachers in K-12 schools.

Even after the Civil Rights Act of 1964 and other federal legislation outlawed segregation and discrimination in education, many states continued to maintain separate licensure programs for Black and white teachers. It was not until the 1970s and 1980s that these programs were finally eliminated, but the legacy of discrimination and unequal access to licensure programs continued to have an impact on the representation of Black teachers in K-12 schools.

Policy in Dialogue with History & Recommendations

Policy rooted in in deep historical context may be difficult to cultivate in a political environment best characterized by Ronald Regan’s anecdote “if you're explaining you're losing.” However such policy is essential as much of the discourse around diversifying the teacher workforce fails to contextualize history such efforts thus rendering the historical presence of Black teachers in schools and the policy mechanisms that depleted their numbers invisible. It is the aim of this piece to foreground this context, in the hopes that legislators looking to address issues of Black teacher supply may do so in a historically informed fashion.  As the policy solutions to Black teacher shortages must be as robust as the efforts that first animated the problem. There are a several policy measures that can and  have been adopted across the country to various degrees yet  we propose coordinated adoption done amidst a historical understanding of how policies such as a Brown had a complex and regional impact. Thus the set of recommendations listed need to be seen with a complex policy ecosystem as oppose to one off initiatives done in isolation. 

A robust policy ecosystem that seeks to increase the share of Black teachers must include a set of  targeted recruitment and retention programs for Black teachers as they can significantly boost the number of Black individuals pursuing teaching careers. These programs should offer financial incentives, mentoring, and support to encourage their participation in the education field.Additionally, implementing loan forgiveness programs for Black K-12 teachers who commit to serving in underserved communities can be instrumental in attracting more educators to these high-need areas. Such initiatives can alleviate financial burdens and make teaching in these communities a more viable and appealing option.

Moreover, recognizing the barriers faced by many Black individuals in accessing traditional teacher certification programs, state governments should establish alternative certification pathways. These flexible and accessible programs will provide more opportunities for aspiring Black teachers to enter the profession.To ensure a more inclusive and supportive learning environment, collaboration with teacher education programs is essential. State governments should work towards diversifying teacher education faculty to better represent the student population. A diverse faculty can contribute to a more enriching and empowering educational experience for Black students pursuing teaching careers.

A coordinated attempt between federal, state, and municipal entities rooted in an integrated vision of the policy initiatives above can be a significant step towards rectifying the designed disparities in the representation of Black K-12 teachers in the United States. These measures will not only increase the number of Black educators but also enhance the overall diversity and cultural responsiveness within the education system, benefiting students of all backgrounds. 

Conclusion

In conclusion, while there have been recent policy initiatives to address teacher shortages in the United States, they often fail to address the systemic exclusion of Black teachers from the profession. The historical mechanisms that have contributed to the shortage of Black teachers, such as the displacement of Black teachers after Brown v. Board and the exclusionary impact of basic skills tests, must be acknowledged and addressed in order to truly diversify the teaching workforce. While recent policies have been a net positive for schools, it is crucial that policy approaches target the designed nature of the shortage of Black teachers. A policy approach that is grounded in the belief that Black teachers matter must take inventory of the impact of historical factors and work towards equity in the teaching profession.

References

Carter Andrews, D. J., Castro, E., Cho, C. L., Petchauer, E., Richmond, G., & Floden, R. (2019). Changing the Narrative on Diversifying the Teaching Workforce: A Look at Historical and Contemporary Factors That Inform Recruitment and Retention of Teachers of Color. Journal of Teacher Education, 70(1), 6–12. https://doi.org/10.1177/0022487118812418

Fairclough, Adam. “The Costs of Brown: Black Teachers and School Integration.” The Journal of American History, vol. 91, no. 1, 2004, pp. 43–55. JSTOR, https://doi.org/10.2307/3659612. Accessed 29 July 2023.

Ingersoll, R., May, H., & Collins, G. (2019). Recruitment, employment, retention and the minority teacher shortage. Education Policy Analysis Archives, 27(37).

Oakley D, Stowell J, Logan JR. The impact of desegregation on black teachers in the metropolis, 1970-2000. Ethn Racial Stud. 2009;39(9):1576-1598. doi: 10.1080/01419870902780997. PMID: 24039318; PMCID: PMC3769798.

Rothstein, R. (2019). The color of law. Liveright Publishing Corporation.

Ward Randolph, A., & Robinson, D. V. (2019). De Facto Desegregation in the Urban North: Voices of African American Teachers and Principals on Employment, Students, and Community in Columbus, Ohio, 1940 to 1980. Urban Education, 54(10), 1403–1430. https://doi.org/10.1177/0042085917697204

Walker, Vanessa Siddel. Their Highest Potential: An African American School Community in the Segregated South. University of North Carolina Press, 1996. JSTOR, http://www.jstor.org/stable/10.5149/9780807866191_walker. Accessed 29 July 2023.